The decisive Ethiopian victory checked Italy’s attempt to build an empire in Africa comparable to that of the French or the British.

The death (in 1889) of the Ethiopian emperor Yohannes IV was followed by great disorder, during which the Italians helped Menilek of Shewa (Shoa) win the throne.

In addition, the Treaty of Wichale (Ucciali), which Italy had signed with Menilek in 1889, was interpreted by the Italian premier Francesco Crispi as implying the declaration of an Italian protectorate over Ethiopia.

Accordingly, the Italian possessions in Africa were constituted (January 1890) as Colonia Eritrea.

Menilek first rejected in September 1890 the ambiguous Article XVII of the treaty and then, in September 1893, rejected the treaty altogether, afterward preparing to fight the Italians’ attempt to impose their dominion militarily.

By late February 1896, supplies on both sides were running low. General Oreste Baratieri, commander of the Italian forces, knew the Ethiopian forces had been living off the land.

Besides, once the supplies of the local peasants were exhausted, Menlik’s army would begin to melt away, he thought.

Nevertheless, his government insisted that General Baratieri act, and he met with his brigadiers Matteo Albertone, Giuseppe Arimondi, Vittorio Dabormida, and Giuseppe Ellena on the evening of 29 February.

His subordinates argued vigorously for an attack, with Dabormida exclaiming, “Italy would prefer the loss of two or three thousand men to a dishonorable retreat.”

Baratieri announced that the attack would start and accordingly, his troops began their march to their starting positions.

The Italian army comprised four brigades totalling 17,700 troops, with fifty-six artillery pieces.

One brigade under General Albertone was made up of Italian officered askari (native infantry) recruited from Eritrea.

The remaining three brigades were Italian units under Brigadiers Dabormida, Ellena and Arimondi.

From the Ethiopian side, the forces were divided among:
• Emperor Menelik
• Empress Taytu
• Ras Wale
• Ras Mengesha Atikem
• Ras Mengesha Yohannes
• Ras Alula Engida
• Ras Mikael of Wollo
• Ras Makonnen
• Fitawrari Gebeyyehu
• Negus Tekle Haymanot of Gojjam

Besides, the armies were followed by traditional peasant followers who supplied the army, as had been done for centuries.

On the night of Feb 29 and the early morning of March 1, three Italian brigades advanced separately towards Adwa over narrow mountain tracks, while a fourth remained camped.

David Levering Lewis states that the Italian battle plan called for three columns to march in parallel formation to the crests of three mountains:

• Dabormida commanding on the right
• Albertone on the left
• Arimondi in the center with a reserve under Ellena following behind Arimondi

The supporting crossfire each column could give the others made the … soldiers as deadly as razored shears.

Albertone’s brigade was to set the pace for the others. He was to position himself on the summit known as Kidane Meret, which would give the Italians the high ground from which to meet the Ethiopians.

Nevertheless, the three leading Italian brigades had become separated during their overnight march and at dawn were spread across several miles of very difficult terrain.

Unknown to General Baratieri, Emperor Menelik knew his troops had exhausted the ability of the local peasants to support them and had planned to break camp the next day (2 March).

The Emperor had risen early to begin prayers for divine guidance when spies from Ras Alula, his chief military advisor, brought him news that the Italians were advancing.

The Emperor called the separate armies of his nobles and with the Empress Taytu beside him, ordered his forces forward.

• Negus Tekle Haymanot commanded the right wing
• Ras Alula the left
• Rasses Makonnen and Mengesha the center, with Ras Mikael at the head of the crack Oromo cavalry; the Emperor and his consort remained with the reserve.

The Ethiopian forces positioned themselves on the hills overlooking the Adowa valley, in perfect position to receive the Italians, who were exposed and vulnerable to crossfire.

Albertone’s askari brigade was the first to encounter the onrush of Ethiopians at 6:00, near Kidane Meret, where the Ethiopians had managed to set up their mountain artillery.

His forces held their position for two hours until Albertone’s capture, and under Ethiopian pressure the survivors sought refuge with Arimondi’s brigade.

Arimondi’s brigade beat back the Ethiopians who repeatedly charged the Italian position for three hours but didn’t last longer.

Two companies of Bersaglieri who arrived at the same moment could not help and were annihilated.

General Dabormida’s Italian brigade had moved to support Albertone but was unable to reach him in time.

Cut off from the remainder of the Italian army, Dabormida began a fighting retreat toward Italian positions.

Nevertheless, Dabormida inadvertently marched his command into a narrow valley where the Oromo cavalry slaughtered his brigade shouting Ebalgume! Ebalgume! (“Reap! Reap!”).

General Dabormida’s remains were never found, although his brother learned from an old woman living in the area that she had given water to a mortally wounded Italian officer, “a chief, a great man with spectacles and a watch, and golden stars”.

The remaining two brigades under Baratieri himself were outflanked and destroyed piecemeal on the slopes of Mount Belah. By noon, the survivors of the Italian army were in full retreat and the battle was over.

The Italians suffered about 7,000 killed and 1,500 wounded in the battle and subsequent retreat back into Eritrea, with 3,000 taken prisoner, while Ethiopian losses have been estimated around 4,000-5,000, but with 8,000 wounded.

In their flight to Eritrea, the Italians left behind all of their artillery and 11,000 rifles, as well as most of their transport.

As Paul B. Henze notes, “Baratieri’s army had been completely annihilated while Menelik’s was intact as a fighting force and gained thousands of rifles and a great deal of equipment from the fleeing Italians.”

The 3,000 Italian prisoners, who included General Albertone, appear to have been treated as well as could be expected under difficult circumstances, though about 200 died of their wounds in captivity.

Nevertheless 800 captured askaris, regarded as traitors by the Ethiopians, had their right hands and left feet amputated.

Baratieri was relieved of his command and later charged with preparing an “inexcusable” plan of attack and for abandoning his troops in the field.

The Crispi government fell, and was replaced by a new administration with a policy of avoiding further colonial adventures.

The decisive victory of Ethiopia over Italian aggressors resulted in the the Treaty of Addis Ababa, signed in October 1896, abrogated the Treaty of Wichale and reestablished peace, and Italy recognized the independence of Ethiopia.

The Italian claim to a protectorate over all Ethiopia was thereafter abandoned; and the Italian colony of Eritrea, finally delimited by a treaty of peace (September 1900), was reduced to a territory of about 200,000 square km (80,000 square miles).

Various treaties concluded with Italy, France, and Great Britain in the years up to 1908 fixed the borders of Ethiopia with the neighbouring territories ruled by the European powers.

Keywords: Adwa, ADOWA, ADUA, King Menilek II, Italian forces, Treaty of Wichale, Ucciali, Emperor Yohannes IV, Francesco Crispi, General Oreste Baratieri, Matteo Albertone, Giuseppe Arimondi, Vittorio Dabormida, Giuseppe Ellena, Emperor Menelik, Empress Taytu, Ras Wale, Ras Mengesha Atikem, Ras Mengesha Yohannes, Ras Alula Engida, Ras Mikael of Wollo, Ras Makonnen, Fitawrari Gebeyyehu, Negus Tekle Haymanot of Gojjam, Somali National Army, Harerge, Bale, Sidamo, Jijiga, Siad Barre, Ogaden War,

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Fighting escalated to artillery and tank fire leading to four weeks of intense fighting. Ground troops fought on three fronts.

Eritrea claims Ethiopia launched air strikes against Eritrea’s capital Asmara while Ethiopia accused Eritrea of striking first.

The fighting led to huge internal displacement in both countries as civilians fled the war zone. The conflict ended in stalemate and deployment of UNMEE

Following independence, the two neighbours disagreed over currency and trade issues, and both laid claim to several border regions including Badme, Tsorona-Zalambessa, and Bure.

Nevertheless, since the two governments were close allies they agreed to set up a commission to look into their common border and disputed places. Since early 1991 they had agreed to set up a commission to look into each others’ claims.

Of particular issue was the border through the Badme Plain. As a result of the Treaty of 1902 the Badme Plain is bisected by the border which runs in a straight line between the Gash and Setit (Tekezé) Rivers.

The development of the war: On 6 May 1998, a few Eritrean soldiers entered the Badme region, a borderline zone, along the border of Eritrea and Ethiopia’s northern Tigray Region, resulting in a fire fight between the Eritrean soldiers and the Tigrayan militia and security police they encountered.

The evidence illustrated that, at about 5:30 a.m. on May 12, 1998, Eritrean armed forces, consisted of at least two brigades of regular soldiers, supported by tanks and artillery, attacked the town of Badme and other border areas in Ethiopia’s Tahtay Adiabo Wereda, as well as at least two places in its neighboring Laelay Adiabo Wereda.

On that day and in the days instantly following, Eritrean armed forces then pushed across the flat Badme plain to higher ground in the east.

Although the evidence regarding the nature of Ethiopian armed forces in the area conflicted, the weight of the evidence indicated that the Ethiopian defenders were composed merely of militia and some police, who were swiftly forced to move back by the invading Eritrean forces.

Given the absence of an armed attack against Eritrea, the attack that began on May 12 cannot be justified as lawful self-defense under the UN Charter.

The areas initially invaded by Eritrean forces on that day were all either within undisputed Ethiopian territory or within territory that was quietly administered by Ethiopia and that later would be on the Ethiopian side of the line to which Ethiopian armed forces were compelled to withdraw in 2000 under the Cease-Fire Agreement of June 18, 2000.

On May 13, 1998 Ethiopia, in what Eritrean radio described as a “total war” policy, mobilized its forces for a full assault against Eritrea.

The Claims Commission established that this was in essence an pronouncement of the existence of a state of war between belligerents not a declaration of war and that Ethiopia also notified the United Nations Security Council, as required under Article 51 of the UN Charter.

The fighting rapidly escalated to exchanges of artillery and tank fire leading to four weeks of intense fighting.

Ground troops fought on three fronts. On 5 June 1998, the Ethiopians launched air attacks on the airport in Asmara and the Eritreans retaliate by attacking the Ethiopian town of Mekele. These raids caused civilian casualties and deaths on both sides of the border.

There was then a quiet period as both sides mobilized huge forces along their common border and dug extensive trenches.

Both countries used up several hundred million dollars on new military equipment. This was despite the peace mediation efforts by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the US/Rwanda peace plan that was in the works.

The US/Rwanda was a four point peace plan that called for withdrawal of both forces to pre-June 1998 positions.

Eritrea rejected and instead demanded for demilitarization of all disputed areas along the common border overseen by a neutral monitoring force and direct talks.

With Eritrea’s refusal to accept the US/Rwanda peace plan, on 22 February 1999, Ethiopia launched a huge military offensive to bring back Badme.

Tension had been elevated since February 6, 1999, When Ethiopia claimed that Eritrea had violated the moratorium on air raids by bombing Adigrat, a claim it later withdrew.

Following the first five days of military set back at Badme, by which time Ethiopia broken through Eritrea’s fortified front and was 10 kilometers (six miles) deep into Eritrean territory, Eritrea accepted the OAU peace plan on 27 February 1999.

Ethiopia did not at once stop its advance because it demanded that peace talks be contingent on an Eritrean withdrawal from territory occupied since the first outbreak of fighting.

Ethiopia commenced an offensive that broke through the Eritrean lines between Shambuko and Mendefera, crossed the Mareb River, and cut the road between Barentu and Mendefera, the main supply line for Eritrean troops on the western front of the fighting.

By May 2000, Ethiopia occupied about a quarter of Eritrea’s territory, displacing 650,000 people and wiping out key components of Eritrea’s infrastructure.

The Eritreans withdrawn from the disputed border town of Zalambessa and other disputed areas on the central front saying it was a ‘tactical retreat’ to take away one of Ethiopia’s last remaining excuses for continuing the war.

Having recaptured the most of the contested territories — and heard that Eritrean government in accordance with a request from the Organisation of African Unity would withdraw from any other territories it occupied at the start of fighting — on 25 May 2000, Ethiopia affirmed the war was over.

Results of the war: Eritrea claimed that 19,000 Eritrean soldiers were killed during the clash, while the number of Ethiopian soldiers dead is most likely around 50,000 as the total war casualties from both countries is reported worldwide as being around 70,000.

All these figures have been contested and other news reports simply state that “tens of thousands” or “as many as 100,000″ were killed in the war.

The fighting led to massive internal displacement in both countries as civilians fled the war zone.

Ethiopia expelled 77,000 Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin it believed to be security risk, hence compounding Eritrea’s refugee problem.

Many of the 77,000 Eritrean and Ethiopians of Eritrean origins were considered well off by the standard of Ethiopian standard living and deporteeing them all after confiscating their belonging was a cruel act of human rights violations.

The economies of these countries were already weak as a result of decades of cold war politics, civil war and drought.

The war intensified these problems, resulting in food shortages. Before the war, much of Eritrea’s trade was with Ethiopia, and much of Ethiopia’s foreign trade relied on Eritrean roads and ports.

Keywords: Eritrea, Ethiopia, UNMEE, Badme region, Tsorona, Zalambessa, Bure, Gash, Setit, Tigrayan militia, Tahtay Adiabo Wereda, Laelay Adiabo Wereda, Mekele, OAU, Adigrat, Shambuko, Mendefera, Mareb River, Barentu,

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In violation of International agreements, the Italians used poisonous gas in a number of battles.

Second Italo-Abyssinian War and the Mukden Incident is often seen as a precursor to World War II, and a demonstration of the ineffectiveness of the League.

After years of occupation, Emperor Haile Sellasie with the help of the British, led a large Ethiopian front to defeat the Italian army in 1941.

During World War II Ethiopia was under Italian occupation. The liberation of started in early 1941 when British forces joined the large armed resistance called “Arbengoch.” By the end of May, the allied forced were able to gain decisive victory against the Italian Army.

Korean War
Ethiopia sent 1,271 – 3,518 troops as part of the United Nation Forces to aid South Korea.

 The troops were known as the Kagnew Battalion under the command of General Mulugueta Bulli.

It was attached to the American 7th Infantry Division, and fought in a number of engagements including the Battle of Pork Chop Hill. 121 were killed and 536 wounded during the conflict in Korea.

Keywords: Italo-Abyssinian War, Korean War, Emperor Haile Sellasie, Mukden Incident, Arbengoch, South Korea

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The revolutionaries put an end to the monarchy in March of 1975 and Crown Prince Asfaw Wossen settled permanently in London, United Kingdom where several other members of the Imperial family were already based.

The other members of the Imperial family who were still in Ethiopia at the time of the revolution were imprisoned.

This included Amha Selassie’s father the Emperor, his daughter by his first marriage, Princess Ijigayehu, his sister Princess Tenagnework and many of his nephews, nieces, relatives and in-laws.

In 1975, first his daughter Princess Ijigayehu, and then his father Emperor Haile Selassie died in detention. Members of the Imperial family would remain imprisoned until 1988 (for the women) and 1989 (for the men).

The Derg got rid of politics opponents between 1975 and 1977 as a response to the declaration and instigation of an Ethiopian White terror against the Derg by various opposition groups.

Brutal tactics were used by both sides, including executions, assassinations, torture and the imprisonment of tens of thousands without trial, most of whom were innocent.

The Ethiopian Red/White terror was the “urban guerrilla” chapter of the brutal war the government fought with guerrillas fighting for Eritrean independence for its entire period in power, as well as with Marxist Tigrean rebels, and with other rebel groups ranging from the conservative and pro-monarchy Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) to the far leftist Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP).

In the mean time, Derg faced an invasion from Somalia in 1977, which sought to annex the eastern parts of Ethiopia, which were predominantly inhabited by Somalis.

The Ethiopian army was able to overcome the Somali army, supported by the Western Somali Liberation Front, only with massive military assistance from the Soviet Union and Cuba.

Ethiopia under the Derg became the Socialist bloc’s closest ally in Africa, and became one of the best-armed nations of the region as a result of massive military aid chiefly from the Soviet Union, GDR, Cuba and North Korea.

Most industries and private urban real-estate holdings were nationalized by the Derg in 1975.

The Derg satisfied its main slogan of “Land to the Tiller” by redistributing land once belonging to landlords to the peasant tilling the land.

The Derg’s violent rule was coupled with the draining effects of constant warfare with the separatist guerilla movements in Eritrea and Tigray resulting in a drastic fall in general productivity of food and cash crops.

Although Ethiopia is prone to chronic droughts, no one was prepared for the scale of drought and famine that struck the country in the mid-1980s, in which up to one million may have died.

Hundreds of thousands fled economic misery, conscription, and political repression, and went to live in neighboring countries and all over the Western world, creating an Ethiopian diaspora for the first time.

Keywords: Prince Asfaw Wossen, Ethiopian Civil War, Marxist Derg, Emperor Haile Selassie, Princess Ijigayehu, White terror,

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It was during this time that Ethiopia sent 1,271 – 3,518 troops as part of the United Nation Forces to aid South Korea. The troops were known as the Kagnew Battalion under the command of General Mulugueta Bulli.

Ethiopia furnished three 1,200-man battalions to the UN Command, beginning in June 1951 but only one battalion at a time. The first of these battalions — known as Kagnew (Conquerors) Battalions — arrived in May 1951 and was assigned to the U.S. 7th Infantry Division.

• 1st Kagnew Battalion Jun 51 — Apr 52
• 2nd Kagnew Battalion Apr 52 — Apr 53
• 3rd Kagnew Battalion Apr 53 — Apr 54

The Ethiopian army was attached to the American 7th Infantry Division, and fought in a number of engagements including the Battle of Pork Chop Hill. 121 were killed and 536 wounded during the conflict in Korea.

Keywords: United Nation Forces, South Korea, Kagnew Battalion, General Mulugueta Bulli,

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Ethiopia had historically dominated the region. By the beginning of the war, the Somali National Army (SNA) was only 35,000-men strong and was vastly outnumbered by the Ethiopian forces.

Nevertheless, throughout the 1970s, Somalia was the recipient of large amounts of Soviet military aid. The SNA had three times the tank force of Ethiopia, as well as a larger air force.

Even as Somalia gained military strength, Ethiopia grew weaker. In September 1974, Emperor Haile Selassie had been overthrown by the Derg (the military council), marking a period of turmoil.

The Derg quickly fell into internal conflict to determine who would have primacy. Meanwhile, various anti-Derg as well as separatist movements began throughout the country. The regional balance of power now favored Somalia.

One of the separatist groups seeking to take advantage of the chaos was the pro-Somalia Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) operating in the Somali-inhabited Ogaden area, which by late 1975 had struck numerous government outposts. From 1976 to 1977, Somalia supplied arms and other aid to the WSLF.

A sign that order had been restored among the Derg was the announcement of Mengistu Haile Mariam as head of state on 11 February 1977.

Nevertheless, the country remained in chaos as the military attempted to suppress its civilian opponents.

Despite the violence, the Soviet Union, which had been closely observing developments, came to believe that Ethiopia was developing into a genuine Marxist-Leninist state and that it was in Soviet interests to aid the new regime.

They thus secretly approached Mengistu with offers of aid that he accepted. Ethiopia closed the U.S. military mission and the communications center in April 1977.

In June 1977, Mengistu accused Somalia of infiltrating SNA soldiers into the Somali area to fight alongside the WSLF.

Despite considerable evidence to the contrary, Barre insisted that no such thing was occurring, but that SNA “volunteers” were being allowed to help the WSLF.

Somalia decided to make a decisive move and invaded the Ogaden at 13 July 1977 (5 Hamle, 1969), according to Ethiopian documents (some other sources state 23 July).

According to Ethiopian sources, they numbered 70,000 troops, 40 fighter planes, 250 tanks, 350 APCs, and 600 artillery, which would have meant practically the whole Somalian Army.

By the end of the month 60% of the Ogaden had been taken by the SNA-WSLF force, including Gode, on the Shabelle River.

The attacking forces did suffer some early setbacks; Ethiopian defenders at Dire Dawa and Jijiga inflicted heavy casualties on assaulting forces.

The Ethiopian Air Force (EAF) also began to establish air superiority using its Northrop F-5s, despite being initially outnumbered by Somali MiG-21s.

The USSR, finding itself supplying both sides of a war, attempted to mediate a ceasefire. When their efforts failed, the Soviets abandoned Somalia.

All aid to Siad Barre’s regime was halted, while arms shipments to Ethiopia were increased.

Soviet military aid, only second in magnitude to the October 1973 gigantic resupplying of Syrian forces during the Yom Kippur war, plus Soviet advisors flooded into the country along with around 15,000 Cuban combat troops.

Other Communist countries offered assistance: the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen offered military assistance and North Korea helped train a “People’s Militia”; East Germany likewise offered training, engineering and support troops.

As the scale of Communist assistance became clear in November 1977, Somalia broke diplomatic relations with the U.S.S.R. and expelled all Soviet citizens from the country.

Not all communist states sided with Ethiopia. Due to the Sino-Soviet rivalry, China supported Somalia diplomatically as well as with token military aid.

Romania under Nicolae Ceau?escu had a habit of breaking with Soviet policies and maintained good diplomatic relations with Siad Barre.

The greatest single victory of the SNA-WSLF was a second assault on Jijiga in mid-September, in which the demoralized Ethiopian troops withdrew from the town.

The local defenders were no match for the assaulting Somalis and the Ethiopian military was forced to withdraw past the strategic strongpoint of the Marda Pass, halfway between Jijiga and Harar.

By September Ethiopia was forced to admit that it controlled only about 10% of the Ogaden and that the Ethiopian defenders had been pushed back into the non-Somali areas of Harerge, Bale, and Sidamo.

Nevertheless, the Somalis were unable to press their advantage because of the high level of attrition among its tank battalions, constant Ethiopian air attacks on their supply lines, and the onset of the rainy season, which made the dirt roads unusable.

During that time, the Ethiopian government managed to raise a giant militia force in its 100,000s and integrated it into the regular fighting force.

Also, since the Ethiopian army was a client of U.S weapons, hasty acclimatization to the new Warsaw-pact bloc weaponry took place.

From October 1977 until January 1978, the SNA-WSLF forces attempted to capture Harar, where 40,000 Ethiopians backed by Soviet-supplied artillery and armor had regrouped with 1500 Soviet advisors and 11,000 Cuban soldiers.

Though it reached the city outskirts by November, the Somali force was too exhausted to take the city and was eventually forced to retreat outside and await an Ethiopian counterattack.

The expected Ethiopian-Cuban attack occurred in early February. Nevertheless, it was accompanied by a second attack that the Somalis were not expecting.

A column of Ethiopian and Cuban troops crossed northeast into the highlands between Jijiga and the border with Somalia, bypassing the SNA-WSLF force defending the Marda Pass.

The attackers were thus able to assault from two directions in a “pincer” action, allowing the re-capturing of Jijiga in only two days while killing 3,000 defenders.

The Somali defense collapsed and every major Ethiopian town was recaptured in the following weeks.

Recognizing that his position was untenable, Siad Barre ordered the SNA to retreat back into Somalia on 9 March 1978. The last significant Somali unit left Ethiopia on 15 March 1978, marking the end of the war.

Effects of the war
Following the removal of the SNA, the WSLF continued their insurgency. By May 1980, the rebels, with the assistance of a small number of SNA soldiers who continued to help the guerilla war, controlled a substantial region of the Ogaden.

Nevertheless by 1981 the insurgents were reduced to sporadic hit-and-run attacks and were finally defeated.

The Ogaden War weakened the Somali military. Almost one-third of the regular SNA soldiers, one and a half-quarters of the armored units and half of the Somali Air Force (SAF) were lost.

The weakness of the Barre regime led it to effectively abandon the dream of a unified Greater Somalia.

The failure of the war aggravated discontent with the Barre regime; the first organized opposition group, the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF), was formed by army officers in 1979.

The United States adopted Somalia as a Cold War client state from the late 1970s to 1988 in exchange for use of Somali bases, as well as a way to exert influence upon the region.

A second armed clash in 1988 was resolved when the two countries agreed to withdraw their militaries from the border.

Ogaden War
Somalia invaded the Ogaden region and starting the Ogaden War. Fighting erupted as Somalia attempted a temporary shift in the regional balance of power in their favour by occupying the Ogaden region.

The Soviet Union switched from supplying Somalia to supporting Ethiopia, which had previously been backed by the United States.

The war ended when Somali forces retreated back across the border and a ceasefire was declared.

Ethiopia was able to defeat the Somolian forces with the aid of the USSR and South Yemen. This was the first conflict in which the Mi-24 was used.

Historical conditions
A broader perspective illustrates many incidents of Ethiopian-Somali conflict. Boundary clashes over the Ogaden region date to the 1948 settlement when the land was granted to Ethiopia.

Somali dissatisfaction with this decision has led to repeated attempts to invade Ethiopia with the hopes of taking control of the Ogaden to create a Greater Somalia.

This plan would have reunited the Somali people of the Ethiopian-controlled Ogaden with those living in the Republic of Somalia. Shy of that, ethnic and political tensions have caused cross-border clashes over the years.

• 1960-1964 Border Dispute
• 1977-1978 Ogaden War
• 1982 August Border Clash
• 1998-2000 Cross-border warfare during the chaotic warlord-led era

Conflicts between Ethiopia and Somalia are not limited to the 20th-21st Centuries. Wars between Somalia, or its forerunner Islamic states, and Ethiopia, stretch back to the 16th century.

Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi was a 16th century Islamic leader of Adal popular in Somali culture for his jihad against the Ethiopians during the rise of the Adal Sultanate (a multi-ethnic former vassal kingdom of Ethiopia).

Thus, painful living history, oral and cultural traditions, long-standing ethnic divisions and sectarian differences lay between the two nations and fuel the conflict.

Keywords: Siad Barre, Ogaden region, Somali National Army, Soviet military aid, Derg, Mengistu, Gode, Shabelle River, Dire Dawa, Jijiga, Ethiopian Air Force, Siad Barre, Harerge, Bale, Sidamo, Harar, Ogaden War,

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History of Ethiopian involvement: The first incursion by Ethiopian troops after the fall of the central Somali government took place in August 1996.

In March 1999, Ethiopian troops seemingly raided the Somali border town of Balanballe in pursuit of members of the Al-Ittihad Al-Islamiya group which has been combating to unite Ethiopia’s eastern Ogaden region with Somalia.

Afterward, in April 1999 two Somali leaders, Ali Mahdi and Hussein Aideed, said in an official protest to the United Nations Security Council, that heavily-armed Ethiopian troops entered the towns of Beledhawo and Dolo on Friday, April 9, 1999.

They further alleged that the Ethiopian troops had taken over the local administration and detained officials in the towns.

In May 1999, Ethiopian soldiers, with the help of a pro-Ethiopian Somali faction occupied the town of Luq in southwestern Somalia, close to the borders with Ethiopia and Kenya.

In late June 1999, Ethiopian soldiers, supported by armoured vehicles launched an attack from Luq that resulted in the capture the town of Garba Harre in the Gedo region, which was previously controlled by the Somali National Front lead by Hussein Aideed.

The attack was apparently aimed at flushing out Ethiopian rebels based in Somalia.

After the formation of the Transitional National Government (TNG) of Somalia in August 2000, Ethiopia at first did not recognize the interim government and reportedly continued its raids against Al-Ittihad and supporting various warlord factions, which lead to very stressed relations between the Ethiopian government and the interim Somali government denials and counter-accusations on both sides.

In January 2001, Somalia’s TNG Prime Minister, Ali Khalif Galaid, sturdily accused Ethiopia of arming factions opposed to the government, occupying Somali districts and increasing its military presence in the country.

He afterward claimed that Ethiopian soldiers had occupied towns in Somalia’s southwestern region, and had detained and intimidated its nationals; the Ethiopian government denied these charges.

Ethiopia has supported and is supposed to have supported a number of different Somali factions at one time or another. Among these are:

• The Somali Reconstruction and Restoration Council (SRRC)
• Muse Sudi Yalahow
• General Mohammed Said Hirsi Morgan
• Hassan Mohamed Nur Shatigudud and his Rahanwein Resistance Army (RRA)
• Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed (former President of Puntland and current Somali TNG President).

Reports near the beginning of January, 2002 indicated that around 300 Ethiopian soldiers were positioned in Garowe (capital of Puntland) with other Ethiopian troops allegedly moving into the neighbouring Bay region and around Baidoa.

The Ethiopian government didn’t accept these reports and accused the interim government of spreading “malicious lies” about Ethiopia’s policy towards Somalia.

Ethiopian soldiers again attacked and momentarily captured the border town of Beledhawo on Wednesday, May 15.

During the attack, the commander of the rival militia, Colonel Abdirizak Issak Bihi, was captured by the Ethiopian forces and taken across the border to Ethiopia.

After the attack, control of the town was turned over to the SRRC. Earlier in May, Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed had retaken control of Puntland by ousting his rival Jama Ali Jama with the aid of the Ethiopian army.

In February 2003, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, admitted that Ethiopian troops were sporadically sent into Somalia to fight the militant Islamist group, Al-Ittihad and affirmed that the group was connected to Al-Qaeda.

He also asserted that Ethiopia’s government had lists of Al-Ittihad members who were, at the time, in the Transitional National Government and parliament of Somalia; a claim that TNG President Abdiqasim Salad Hassan has consistently denied.

President Hassan has in turn, blamed Ethiopia of destabilizing Somalia, interfering daily in Somali affairs and violating the arms embargo on Somalia by supplying weapons to warlords opposed to the Transitional Government at the time; Ethiopia denied these charges.

Although an attempt was made to perk up relations between Ethiopia and the TNG  relations only really improved in 2004 when Abdullahi Yusuf became the TNG President.

Then Ethiopia reversed its position and began to support the interim government, especially against various Islamist militias in Somalia Spritgussvorlage, most recently the Islamic Courts Union.

Keywords: Balanballe, Al-Ittihad Al-Islamiya, Ogaden, Ali Mahdi, Hussein Aideed, Beledhawo, Dolo, Luq, Garowe, Colonel Abdirizak Issak Bihi, Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed,

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